En el caso concreto de las preguntas sobre corrupción, esta aproximación presenta características peculiares. Usando una misma pregunta de base (How pervasive is political corruption?) , se interroga sobre la frecuencia con la que acontecen diferentes seis subtipos de acciones corruptas. Sus mayores innovaciones radican en que, en primer lugar, se distingue la corrupción que tiene lugar en los diferentes poderes del Estado (Ejecutivo, Legislativo y Judicial). En segundo lugar, al interior del ámbito ejecutivo, las preguntas diferencian entre la corrupción principalmente relacionada con el soborno y aquella debida a situaciones de malversación de fondos. En tercer lugar, este estudio decodifica, por un lado, la corrupción en los niveles más altos del ejecutivo (a nivel de autoridades ministeriales, por ejemplo) y, por el otro, en el sector público en general (administración pública) . En la siguiente figura, se puede percibir cual es la contribución distintiva de V-DEM al ICP .
CONTRIBUCIÓN DISTINTIVA DE V-DEM A IPC
Fuente: Elaboración propia
Estas preguntas son respondidas por expertos por país . Generalmente, los mismos son investigadores o profesionales con un conocimiento profundo sobre el sistema político (o sobre una institución concreta del mismo). Estos individuos suelen ser nacionales o residentes extranjeros en el país . V-DEM procede a la creación de un índice de corrupción política . El índice se obtiene tomando la media aritmética del (a) índice de corrupción del sector público (Administración Pública), (b) el índice de corrupción en el Poder Ejecutivo, (c) el indicador de corrupción legislativa y (d) el indicador de corrupción judicial. En otras palabras, estas cuatro diferentes esferas de gobierno se ponderan igualmente en el índice resultante. Las puntuaciones se dan en una escala continua entre un mínimo de 0 y un máximo de 1. El siguiente cuadro resume tanto las preguntas como las opciones de respuesta que le son presentadas a los expertos por país.
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PODER EJECUTIVO I – SOBORNO
Executive bribery and corrupt exchanges. Question: How routinely do members of the executive (the head of state, the head of government, and cabinet ministers), or their agents, grant favours in exchange for bribes, kickbacks, or other material inducements? |
0: It is routine and expected. 1: It happens more often than not in dealings with the executive. 2: It happens but is unpredictable: those dealing with the executive find it hard to predict when an inducement will be necessary. 3: It happens occasionally but is not expected. 4: It never, or hardly ever, happens.
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PODER EJECUTIVO II – MALVERSACIÓN Y ROBO
Executive embezzlement and theft. Question: Question: How often do members of the executive (the head of state, the head of government, and cabinet ministers), or their agents, steal, embezzle, or misappropriate public funds or other state resources for personal or family use? |
0: Constantly. Members of the executive act as though all public resources were their personal or family property. 1: Often. Members of the executive are responsible stewards of selected public resources but treat the rest like personal property. 2: About half the time. Members of the executive are about as likely to be responsible stewards of selected public resources as they are to treat them like personal property. 3: Occasionally. Members of the executive are responsible stewards of most public resources but treat selected others like personal property. 4: Never, or hardly ever. Members of the executive are almost always responsible stewards of public resources and keep them separate from personal or family property.
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ADMINISTRACIÓN PÚBLICA I – SOBORNOS
Public sector corrupt exchanges. Question: How routinely do public sector employees grant favours in exchange for bribes, kickbacks, or other material inducements? |
0: Extremely common. Most public sector employees are systematically involved in petty but corrupt exchanges almost all the time. 1: Common. Such petty but corrupt exchanges occur regularly involving a majority of public employees. 2: Sometimes. About half or less than half of public sector employees engage in such exchanges for petty gains at times. 3: Scattered. A small minority of public sector employees engage in petty corruption from time to time. 4: No. Never, or hardly ever.
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ADMINISTRACIÓN PÚBLICA II – MALVERSACIÓN Y ROBO
Public sector theft. Question: How often do public sector employees steal, embezzle, or misappropriate public funds or other state resources for personal or family use? |
0: Constantly. Public sector employees act as though all public resources were their personal or family property. 1: Often. Public sector employees are responsible stewards of selected public resources but treat the rest like personal property. 2: About half the time. Public sector employees are about as likely to be responsible stewards of selected public resources as they are to treat them like personal property. 3: Occasionally. Public sector employees are responsible stewards of most public resources but treat selected others like personal property. 4: Never, or hardly ever. Public sector employees are almost always responsible stewards of public resources and keep them separate from personal or family property.
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PODER LEGISLATIVO
Legislature corrupt activities. Question: Do members of the legislature abuse their position for financial gain? |
0: Commonly. Most legislators probably engage in these activities. 1: Often. Many legislators probably engage in these activities. 2: Sometimes. Some legislators probably engage in these activities. 3: Very occasionally. There may be a few legislators who engage in these activities but the vast majority do not. 4: Never, or hardly ever.
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PODER JUDICIAL
Judicial corruption decision. Question: How often do individuals or businesses make undocumented extra payments or bribes in order to speed up or delay the process or to obtain a favourable judicial decision? |
0: Always. 1: Usually. 2: About half of the time. 3: Not usually. 4: Never.
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Fuente: Elaboración propia